REPCO

Nearly three years since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, the Kaliningrad Oblast has been fully incorporated into Russian’s belligerent and quasi-imperial rhetoric. The Kremlin has used its exclave’s past to portray Kaliningrad as a battleground of civilizations and a special place for Russian collective memory. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the hopes were high for the Kaliningrad Oblast’s future: foreign investments, the creation of a free trade zone and even a certain degree of autonomy were all on the table. Most of them, however, remained unfulfilled as Moscow was never ready to give up its dominating authority over the region even in the face of deep economic and political crisis.

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Latvia has often been overlooked when it comes to the socio-economic advancements made in the Baltics. While neighbours such as Estonia and Lithuania have promoted themselves as technological hubs, the middle Baltic state has lagged behind overall. This position appears to be due to a variety of factors. The cover of the Latvian weekly current affairs magazine Ir for the last week of November 2024 struck a tone hardly unfamiliar in this neck of the woods: “Why are the Estonians paying less for Rail Baltica but getting it done faster?” Close observers of the nation’s mood, aspirations and insecurities over the three-and-a-bit decades since it restored its independence will have seen comparable sentiments expressed many times.

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Ukraine’s journey through war and into the complex terrain of post-conflict recovery is a testament to the enduring power of human resilience and institutional determination. The scars of war are undeniably deep, but they also carry with them the seeds of renewal. Ukraine now stands at a pivotal moment in its history – a chance to not just rebuild, but to reimagine its future as a resilient, democratic and adaptive nation. Following the Russian invasion in February 2022, the wounds inflicted on Ukraine by the invading forces have become eternal. They have shaped the country in a way that has changed all aspects of life, including socio-economic issues alongside politics. The war has also provided valuable insights with regards to the strategies that should be utilized in order to overcome challenges and build a sustainable future. The strategies of adaptation that have emerged as a result of the current, slower period of the conflict demonstrate how these changes are taking place. 

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Sanctions are always a kind of double-edged sword. In order to be effective and prevent bypassing, they have to be comprehensive and include as many countries as possible. Changing elite behaviour depends on increasing the kind of pressure that pushes parties off the battlefield and to the negotiating table. Sanctions can therefore help to tip the balance. Sanctions regimes aim to change elite behaviour by raising the costs and stakes of their choices, both directly in terms of diminishing their personal comfort including travel and access to finance, and indirectly by increasing popular pressure against their rule through economic hardship. This highlights one of several problems with sanctions. These elites are usually uninterested in popular welfare, explaining their attitude towards democracy and its wider benefits.

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Democratic politics has a key responsibility to prevent extreme societal polarization and divisive culture wars, which create fertile ground for malicious interference and deception. While Russia and China actively spread disinformation to undermine open societies, what should a European response to the deadly threat of disinformation look like?

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In the months leading up to the 2020 elections, Alyaksandr Lukashenka's remark that the “constitution is not written for women” sparked significant public outcry. Operating within a deeply patriarchal paradigm, he rarely shies away from such sexist comments. Yet, he continuously underestimates the role of women and their potential in politics, as seen in recent Belarusian history. Since 1994 Alyaksandr Lukashenka has held an unyielding grip on Belarus, often referring to himself as a “women's president”. This characterization is not without purpose; he strategically appeals to specific demographics within the electorate, many of whom find themselves in vulnerable positions reliant on state social support – predominantly women. One might wonder why he still seeks voter loyalty when elections are routinely manipulated and international observers repeatedly report ballot stuffing and significant violations in vote counting. The reality is that genuine support from even a fraction of the electorate simplifies his task. It allows for less money and administrative resources to be spent on falsification and for mitigating the impacts of dishonest elections. The mass protests of 2020 arose precisely because the scale and transparency of the fraud were too blatant to ignore.

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Moldova’s government and its independent art scene are tussling over competing visions of the country’s European future. As artists create for themselves a messy, participatory democracy with room for criticism, the country’s leaders appear more focused on maintaining their image. The five-hectare ruins of Chișinău’s Republican Stadium, once a Cold-War era football arena in the centre of Moldova's capital, were overgrown and degrading when the US embassy stepped in, offering to pay. The space was perfect for a new embassy location: historic, central, and huge, with ample space for security. But artists and civil society groups wanted it to be made into a public park – a space for everyone that would pay homage to the city’s past. In the end, however, Moldova’s legislature struck a deal with the Americans with, according to detractors, little to no public consultation.

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Kosovo’s identity remains highly contested in spite of its declaration of independence all the way back in 2008. While many still hold on to an ethnic conception of the state, people like the musician and intellectual Migjen Kelmendi want a new country with new values. This aim can be traced back to a cultural milieu that overcame the divisions of Yugoslavia. I met the journalist and writer Migjen Kelmendi in the Charlie Brown café near Bill Clinton Boulevard in Pristina, Kosovo. Forty years have passed since he founded the band Gjurmët, but the thin smile of the first Kosovar Albanian rock icon is still there. In the 1960s, Yugoslavia welcomed rock-n-roll, organized festivals and promoted Yugoslav artists via the Yugoton label. An unprecedented rock scene emerged during the following decade: Zagreb, Belgrade, Ljubljana and Sarajevo became vibrant centres where punk and new wave flourished. Often mobilized by the state apparatus, the youth used rock to voice new aspirations. 

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For one evening in London last November, audiences left behind the weight of geopolitics to reconnect with two iconic figures, Vladimir Pozner and Ivan Urgant, whose humour and nostalgia offer a glimpse of life before 2022. Yet beneath the laughter and stories lies a deeper reflection on Russia’s society today, its divided sentiments and the struggles of cultural figures navigating a war-torn world. Could a prominent Russian act or theatre troupe no longer dream of filling a 3,000-seat London theatre? In a word, yes. Several Russian performers, shows, and acts have, in fact, sold out theatres up and down the United Kingdom since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Slava’s SnowShow will be touring Britain this year after remarkable success in Russia’s regional theatre scene. Ahead of this, in 2024, were two of Russian television’s most recognizable faces: veteran journalist Vladimir Pozner and TV personality Ivan Urgant.  

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Life on the exhale is like knocking on a door, it carries an echo, and wakes up the dormant. People to whom it is written, like Victoria Amelina, transcend what we usually can, and what in Ukrainian is expressed by the word mohty. In truth, Vika, seeking justice, a home and a future, bore witness to the path to victory, in Ukraine's destiny fulfilling itself through pere-mohty, doing more than our strength and imaginings would allow. The last inhale was Canada, a good job in the IT industry, studying creative writing in the United States, literary residencies in the West, vacations with her family in Egypt, the safety of her son Andriy in Poland. Vika (short for Victoria) crosses the Polish-Ukrainian border on February 26th 2022. In the evening she reaches Lviv, where her mother, a history teacher, lives. As soon as the Kyiv region is liberated, she moves east. On the train to Kyiv, she meets three women writers, as well as activists from the Revolution of Dignity, human rights activists and the journalists Larisa Denysenko, Svetlana Povalayeva and Olena Stiazhkina.

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As Ukrainians took their first steps in exploring their own history, they began uncovering a wealth of previously forbidden topics and figures. Following the country’s independence, the exchange of academic research between Ukrainian and western historians became possible. This significantly contributed to shaping Ukraine’s historical policy, which was also in many cases in direct opposition to the Kremlin’s interpretation of history. Unsurprisingly, history and memory are key components of Russia’s war against Ukraine. History and memory regarding the events of the past have always been, and still are, powerful tools in relations between Ukraine and Russia. While Russia has tried to shape its historical policy since the late Middle Ages, when Moscow declared itself the “third Rome” and pursued “the gathering of Russian lands”, modern Ukraine, which was without statehood for a long time, began to develop and restore its true history after independence in 1991. It would also develop its own historical policy. 

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This text is a reprint of Egelbert Besednjak’s 1922 analysis of fascism after its rise to power in Italy. The text is not only a solid analysis of the process of the rise of fascism over 100 years ago, but also a reminder how the reins of power can swiftly shift in a dangerous direction, even in a democracy.

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The announcement that Kazakhstan will build its first modern nuclear reactor has resulted in foreign companies competing for potential involvement. While Russian and Chinese firms are naturally on the list, a bid by the French company EDF could allow Astana to pursue wider links with Europe.

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As the threat of hybrid attacks in the Baltic Sea intensifies, NATO states are responding with Operation "Baltic Sentry".

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The ongoing confrontation between Britain and Russia now extends far beyond the battlefields of Ukraine. London’s possible signing of a deal over a distant archipelago has not escaped the Kremlin’s attention. Showcasing the use and abuse of international law, this rather obscure case could well have repercussions for the region.

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On February 24 2022, the Russian army began a full scale attack against independent and free Ukraine.

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The European Union has continued to lag behind the changing circumstances of the world order. If this is to change, the bloc will have to take a look at its ability to act in a collective manner. Such necessity asks existential questions of the EU’s position in the world today.

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Kosovo’s recent election has brought up various questions regarding the country’s future. A search is now underway to determine how a majority can be formed in parliament, with the incumbent Albin Kurti likely to continue his leadership. At the same time, such developments could well have an impact on the nation’s relationship with western states.

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Having profited hand over fist from Russia’s unprovoked aggression, it is in neither Saudi Arabia nor the United Arab Emirates’ interest to help administer a just and lasting negotiated settlement in Ukraine.

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A recent oil spill involving two Russian tankers has highlighted the ongoing environmental issues facing the Black Sea. Naturally overshadowed by concerns about the front line in Ukraine, this episode calls attention to risks linked to maritime activity and geopolitical tensions in the region. A renewed effort at cooperation among local states will be necessary to address such challenges.

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Belarus is well known for its autocratic style of rule. This concept of governance has its roots in the Soviet system, which Minsk borrows heavily from in everyday administration. This approach interestingly extends to the country’s economy, which remains dominated by industry that is owned by the authoritarian state.

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Interview with Gabrielius Landsbergis, the former foreign minister of Lithuania. Interviewer: Vazha Tavberidze.

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The student protests that have shaken Serbian society in the wake of the Novi Sad disaster have so far led to only symbolic government changes. But the system itself remains intact and will not face a true reckoning without a direct confrontation with the political machinery built by President Vučić and his inner circle—a system sustained as much by repression as by a carefully crafted disinformation playbook.

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The student protests that have awoken Serbian society following the disaster in Novi Sad have led to mostly symbolic changes with regards to governance. The system will not face a real challenge without a direct confrontation with the system created by President Vučić and his court.

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While the war is still ongoing, it is essential to establish comprehensive mechanisms for Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction. This will ultimately help ensure the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration in the future.

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